Jamal Joseph
 67
04 May 2012 at 5 pm

“The fact is that what must be abolished is not the black community, but the dependent colonial status that has been inflicted upon it. The racial and cultural personality of the black community must be preserved and the community must win its freedom while preserving its cultural integrity. This is the essential difference between integration as it is currently practised and the concept of Black Power.”

| Stokely Carmichael

“The fact is that what must be abolished is not the black community, but the dependent colonial status that has been inflicted upon it. The racial and cultural personality of the black community must be preserved and the community must win its freedom while preserving its cultural integrity. This is the essential difference between integration as it is currently practised and the concept of Black Power.”
| Stokely Carmichael
 201
04 May 2012 at 1 pm

“It is white power that makes the laws, and it is violent white power in the form of armed white cops that enforces those laws with guns and nightsticks. The vast majority of Negroes in this country live in these captive communities and must endure these conditions of oppression because, and only because, they are black and powerless. I do not suppose that at any point the men who control the power and resources of this country ever sat down and designed these black enclaves, and formally articulated the terms of their colonial and dependent status, as was done, for example, by the apartheid government of South Africa. Yet, one cannot distinguish between one ghetto and another. As one moves from city to city, it is as though some malignant racist planning-unit had done precisely this—designed each one from the same master blueprint. And indeed, if the ghetto had been formally and deliberately planned, instead of growing spontaneously and inevitably from the racist functioning of the various institutions that combine to make the society, it would be somehow less frightening. The situation would be less frightening because, if these ghettoes were the result of design and conspiracy, one could understand their similarity as being artificial and consciously imposed, rather than the results of identical patterns of white racism which repeat themselves in cities far apart as Boston and Birmingham. Without bothering to list historic factors which contribute to this pattern—economic exploitation, political impotence, discrimination in employment and education—one can see that to correct this pattern will require far-reaching changes in the basic power-relationships and the ingrained social patterns with the society. The question is, of course, what kind of changes are necessary, and how is it possible to bring them about?

In recent years, the answer to these questions which has been given by most articulate groups of Negroes and their white allies—the “liberals” of all stripes—has been in terms of something called “integration.” According to the advocates of integration, social justice will be accomplished by “integrating the Negro into mainstream institutions of the society from which he has been traditionally excluded.” It is very significant that each time I have heard this formulation is has been in terms of “the Negro,” the individual Negro, rather that in terms of the community.

This concept of integration has to be based on the assumption that there was nothing of value in the Negro community and that little of value could be created among Negroes, so the thing to do was to siphon off the “acceptable” Negroes into the surrounding middle-class white community. Thus the goal of the movement for integration was simply to loosen up restrictions barring the entry of Negroes into the white community. Goals around which the struggle took place, such as public accommodation, open housing, job opportunity on the executive level (which is easier to deal with than the problem of semi-skilled and blue-collar jobs which involve more far-reaching economic adjustments), are quite simply middle-class goals, articulated by a tiny group of Negroes who had middle-class aspirations. It is true that the student demonstrations in the South during the early Sixties, out of which SNCC came, had a similar orientation. But while it is hardly a concern of a black sharecropper, dish-washer, or welfare recipient whether a certain fifteen-dollar-a-day motel offers accommodations to Negroes, the overt symbols of white superiority and the imposed limitations on the Negro community had to be destroyed. Now, black people must look beyond these goals, to the issue of collective power.”

| Stokely Carmichael

“It is white power that makes the laws, and it is violent white power in the form of armed white cops that enforces those laws with guns and nightsticks. The vast majority of Negroes in this country live in these captive communities and must endure these conditions of oppression because, and only because, they are black and powerless. I do not suppose that at any point the men who control the power and resources of this country ever sat down and designed these black enclaves, and formally articulated the terms of their colonial and dependent status, as was done, for example, by the apartheid government of South Africa. Yet, one cannot distinguish between one ghetto and another. As one moves from city to city, it is as though some malignant racist planning-unit had done precisely this—designed each one from the same master blueprint. And indeed, if the ghetto had been formally and deliberately planned, instead of growing spontaneously and inevitably from the racist functioning of the various institutions that combine to make the society, it would be somehow less frightening. The situation would be less frightening because, if these ghettoes were the result of design and conspiracy, one could understand their similarity as being artificial and consciously imposed, rather than the results of identical patterns of white racism which repeat themselves in cities far apart as Boston and Birmingham. Without bothering to list historic factors which contribute to this pattern—economic exploitation, political impotence, discrimination in employment and education—one can see that to correct this pattern will require far-reaching changes in the basic power-relationships and the ingrained social patterns with the society. The question is, of course, what kind of changes are necessary, and how is it possible to bring them about?
In recent years, the answer to these questions which has been given by most articulate groups of Negroes and their white allies—the “liberals” of all stripes—has been in terms of something called “integration.” According to the advocates of integration, social justice will be accomplished by “integrating the Negro into mainstream institutions of the society from which he has been traditionally excluded.” It is very significant that each time I have heard this formulation is has been in terms of “the Negro,” the individual Negro, rather that in terms of the community.
This concept of integration has to be based on the assumption that there was nothing of value in the Negro community and that little of value could be created among Negroes, so the thing to do was to siphon off the “acceptable” Negroes into the surrounding middle-class white community. Thus the goal of the movement for integration was simply to loosen up restrictions barring the entry of Negroes into the white community. Goals around which the struggle took place, such as public accommodation, open housing, job opportunity on the executive level (which is easier to deal with than the problem of semi-skilled and blue-collar jobs which involve more far-reaching economic adjustments), are quite simply middle-class goals, articulated by a tiny group of Negroes who had middle-class aspirations. It is true that the student demonstrations in the South during the early Sixties, out of which SNCC came, had a similar orientation. But while it is hardly a concern of a black sharecropper, dish-washer, or welfare recipient whether a certain fifteen-dollar-a-day motel offers accommodations to Negroes, the overt symbols of white superiority and the imposed limitations on the Negro community had to be destroyed. Now, black people must look beyond these goals, to the issue of collective power.”
| Stokely Carmichael
 62
04 May 2012 at 1 pm

“We are faced now with a situation where powerless conscience meets conscience-less power, threatening the very foundations of our Nation.”

| Stokely Carmichael

“We are faced now with a situation where powerless conscience meets conscience-less power, threatening the very foundations of our Nation.”
| Stokely Carmichael
 43
30 April 2012 at 5 pm

“I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people.”

| Stokely Carmichael

“I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people.”
| Stokely Carmichael
Panthers.
Tupac.
 14
05 April 2012 at 10 am

“I can hear the roar of women’s silence.

| Thomas Sankara

“I can hear the roar of women’s silence.”
| Thomas Sankara
 45
05 April 2012 at 10 am

“You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness.”

| Thomas Sankara

“You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness.”
| Thomas Sankara
 2
04 April 2012 at 11 pm

Thomas Sankara.

Thomas Sankara.
Stokely.
 14
02 April 2012 at 12 am

Kendrick Lamar is straight fire. 

He has just been feeding my musical soul lately…

Kendrick Lamar is straight fire. 
He has just been feeding my musical soul lately…
 2285
28 March 2012 at 12 am

“You can’t have capitalism without racism.”

| Malcolm X

tags: Malcolm X  Quotes  Brother 
“You can’t have capitalism without racism.”
| Malcolm X
 56
18 March 2012 at 1 pm

“It’s like if you plant something in the concrete and if it grow and the rose petal got all kinda scratches and marks, you ain’t gonna say “damn, look at all the scratches and marks on the rose that grew from the concrete.” You gonna be like “DAMN! A ROSE grew from the CONCRETE?”“

| 2Pac

“It’s like if you plant something in the concrete and if it grow and the rose petal got all kinda scratches and marks, you ain’t gonna say “damn, look at all the scratches and marks on the rose that grew from the concrete.” You gonna be like “DAMN! A ROSE grew from the CONCRETE?”“
| 2Pac
 13
18 March 2012 at 1 pm

| Leslie Alexander Lacy

"Black fighters of America have neither the time nor the patience to go around with a magnifying glass searching for genuine white revolutionists … the vast majority of the oppressed people of the world are non-white and damn near all of the oppressors are white"